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Summary
Summary
#1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER * A clear-eyed account of learning how to lead in a chaotic world, by General Jim Mattis--the former Secretary of Defense and one of the most formidable strategic thinkers of our time--and Bing West, a former assistant secretary of defense and combat Marine.
"A four-star general's five-star memoir."-- The Wall Street Journal
Call Sign Chaos is the account of Jim Mattis's storied career, from wide-ranging leadership roles in three wars to ultimately commanding a quarter of a million troops across the Middle East. Along the way, Mattis recounts his foundational experiences as a leader, extracting the lessons he has learned about the nature of warfighting and peacemaking, the importance of allies, and the strategic dilemmas--and short-sighted thinking--now facing our nation. He makes it clear why America must return to a strategic footing so as not to continue winning battles but fighting inconclusive wars.
Mattis divides his book into three parts: Direct Leadership, Executive Leadership, and Strategic Leadership. In the first part, Mattis recalls his early experiences leading Marines into battle, when he knew his troops as well as his own brothers. In the second part, he explores what it means to command thousands of troops and how to adapt your leadership style to ensure your intent is understood by your most junior troops so that they can own their mission. In the third part, Mattis describes the challenges and techniques of leadership at the strategic level, where military leaders reconcile war's grim realities with political leaders' human aspirations, where complexity reigns and the consequences of imprudence are severe, even catastrophic.
Call Sign Chaos is a memoir of a life of warfighting and lifelong learning, following along as Mattis rises from Marine recruit to four-star general. It is a journey about learning to lead and a story about how he, through constant study and action, developed a unique leadership philosophy, one relevant to us all.
Author Notes
Jim Mattis is a Pacific Northwest native who served more than four decades as a Marine infantry officer. Following two years as the Secretary of Defense, he returned to the Northwest and is now the Davies Family Distinguished Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.
Bing West has written eleven books, including, with Jim Mattis, the #1 New York Times bestseller Call Sign Chaos . He served as a Marine grunt in Vietnam and later as an assistant secretary of defense in the Reagan administration. He has been on hundreds of patrols in Iraq and Afghanistan, including many operations with General Mattis. He is a member of the Military History Working Group at the Hoover Institution. He lives with his wife, Betsy, in Hilton Head, South Carolina, and Newport, Rhode Island.
Reviews (4)
Publisher's Weekly Review
Former defense secretary Mattis surveys his four decades in the U.S. Marine Corps in this sturdy memoir and leadership guide co-written with combat veteran West (One Million Steps: A Marine Platoon at War). At the outset, Mattis lets readers know that he doesn't discuss "sitting Presidents" and won't be " taking up the hot political rhetoric of the day." Instead, he recounts, among other highlights from his military career, watching his battalion turn the tables on an Iraqi ambush during the 1990 Gulf War; leading the 1st Marine Division into the Battle of Fallujah in 2004; and taking over for Gen. David Petraeus at U.S. Central Command in 2010. Mattis's leadership lessons border on the banal--his early years in the Marines taught him the importance of "competence, caring, and conviction"--but his blunt assessments of U.S. foreign policy can be memorable. Of the Obama administration's refusal to listen to his concerns about Iraqi prime minister Nour al-Maliki, Mattis writes, "It was like talking to people who lived in wooden houses but saw no need for a fire department." Meanwhile, he lets his resignation letter serve as his only direct comment on serving in President Trump's Cabinet. This judicious book burnishes Mattis's legacy at the same time it belies his "Mad Dog" reputation. (Oct.)
Guardian Review
In a memoir that is part hymn to the constitution, the former secretary of defense offers only veiled criticism of the president. James Mattis was Donald Trump's defense secretary for less than two years, resigning in December 2018. The general's departure came with headlines but little surprise. His resignation letter omitted any praise for the commander-in-chief. "Because you have the right to have a secretary of defense whose views are better aligned with yours," he wrote, "I believe it is right for me to step down." Mattis had been on thin ice for a long time. At an infamous cabinet meeting in June 2017, Mattis praised the men and women of the military instead of gushing over the president. Just months later, a White House official told me Mattis had shown insufficient loyalty to Trump. But because North Korea was on the front burner - before "Little Rocket Man" had started sending Trump love letters - the president felt he needed generals around him. In the end, everyone in Trump's orbit is expendable. Except Ivanka Trump. Call Sign Chaos, Mattis's memoir, is a readable look at more than four decades as a marine. Co-written with Bing West, a former marine and Reagan Pentagon alumnus, the book spans Mattis's career, from enlistment through retirement. It contains veiled disapproval of Trump and is sharper in expressing disagreements with his Oval Office predecessors. Officially, the book's title derives from the call-sign bestowed when Mattis became a regimental commander, Chaos an acronym for "Colonel Has An Outstanding Solution". Mattis comes across as plain-spoken and reflective, a fan of books and history. Abraham Lincoln and Gettysburg receive their due. As a younger man, however, Mattis was not above brawling. In other words, he's interesting. He repeatedly expresses his regard for America's institutions and its constitution even as he offers criticism, one thing which sets him apart from the 45th president. "I've developed a love affair with our constitution," Mattis writes. He tells of getting into a fight in Montana with three other men. Then 19, he was rewarded with a brief jail sentence and a sheriff's escort to a westbound freight train. His brush with the law became a formative experience. Mattis recalls that as a marine recruiter he was confronted with a prospect who had been arrested for a "single use of cocaine". Channeling his inner Nick Saban on the value of "second chances", Mattis pushed for a waiver. "There's a huge difference," he writes, "between making a mistake and letting that mistake define you." As Mattis moved up the ranks, interaction with Congress, the White House and civilian Pentagon leadership became a norm, although not necessarily a welcome one. Mattis professes to prefer the field and his troops. DC was not his "cup of tea". Yet he appears to have overcome that hurdle, to a point anyway, when he was appointed executive secretary to Bill Clinton's defense chiefs, William Perry and William Cohen. "I gained an abiding respect for those with whom I served and from whom I also learned a new skill set," he writes. "I had a front-row seat to policymaking as it was supposed to work." As for congressional oversight and the power of the purse, Mattis "received a pragmatic introduction to article one of the constitution", a reminder to the reader that it is Congress that is tasked with raising America's armed forces. Mattis saw action in Afghanistan and Iraq. He blames Tommy Franks, head of US Central Command and an army general, for Osama bin Laden's escape from Tora Bora, his refusal to deploy the marines a key cause of that debacle. As Mattis frames things: "We in the military missed the opportunity, not the president, who properly deferred to his senior military commander on how to carry out the mission." But Iraq was a different story, and there Mattis places blame squarely on George W Bush for getting the US into the mess, and on Barack Obama and Joe Biden for the mode of the eventual pullback. As for going to war, Mattis observes: "Invading Iraq stunned me. Why were we fighting them again?" In a chapter titled Incoherence, Mattis acidly mocks and quotes Bush 43's Freedom Agenda. These days, Iraq is ranked "not free" by Freedom House. Irony abounds. He commends Obama for his intelligence and reserve and Biden for his warmth. Yet he tags them over the pullout from Iraq, Obama's imaginary red line in Syria and their stance toward Iran. He does not mask his disapproval. For Mattis, Iran was an implacable foe. He also believes Tehran came to view the Obama administration as "impotent". To the general, proof positive lay in the failure to respond to an Iranian plot to bomb Cafe Milano, a restaurant just miles from the White House, and assassinate the Saudi ambassador. Mattis also takes aim at WikiLeaks, describing it as "new kind of adversary" that "inflicted deep harm" to American interests. Unlike Trump, he never harbored any love for Julian Assange's creation. To Mattis, American uncertainty and messianism can both have steep downsides. As he saw it, an absence of strategy would engender the sense that the US was "proving unreliable." "I was disappointed and frustrated," he writes. "Policymakers all too often failed to deliver clear direction." Yet Mattis does not grapple with domestic political realities. Lives and treasure aside, Iraq cost the Republicans both houses of Congress in 2006 and paved the way for Obama. Furthermore, casualty counts in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin were factors in Hillary Clinton's defeat. Not everything is about Russia. When it comes to Trump, Mattis flanks, avoiding a head-on clash. Call Sign Chaos takes aim at bigotry and lauds the military service of migrants. As in his resignation letter, Mattis gives full-throated support for Nato: "Nations with allies thrive, and those without wither." In his epilogue, Mattis notes America's political divide and full-throated tribalism. But he is optimistic. Call Sign Chaos ends thus: "E Pluribus Unum."
Kirkus Review
The former secretary of defense delivers lessons for would-be leaders.The title might describe the current White House, from which Mattis (co-editor: Warriors and Citizens: American Views of Our Military, 2016) departed after disagreeing on one issue too many with the sitting president. However, it derives from an ironic Marine Corps acronym. Mattis spotted trouble from the start, noting that, after all, the separation of military from civilian leadership, by which officers were forbidden from serving in the office "within seven years of departing military service," is there for a good reasona reason disregarded by Trump and company. Still, Mattis, writing with Bing (One Million Steps: A Marine Platoon at War, 2014, etc.), has relatively little to say about his time in that orbit. Instead, he focuses on his military career, during which he rose through the ranks and replaced Gen. David Petraeus as head of the U.S. Central Command; and on the leadership lessons he learned in the field and on base. Considered an intellectual, he insists foremost on lifelong learning and constant reading: When he was called on to lead the 1st Marine Division in the Iraq War, for instance, he devoured books, from T.E. Lawrence's Seven Pillars of Wisdom ("few Westerners in recent history had achieved his level of trust with Arabs on the battlefield") to memoirs and studies of William Tecumseh Sherman, Gertrude Bell, and Alexander the Great. "I may not have come up with many new ideas," writes Mattis, "but I've adopted or integrated a lot from others," and he insisted that his officers and enlisted personnel read and study. Some lessons are obvious (don't play favorites), some gung-ho (show an "obvious bias for action"), and most eminently useful for leaders in whatever sector ("You must decide, act, and move on"). One wishes for a little more dirt, but the author, a cool-headed diplomat, seems to be reserving that for magazine interviews, dishing it judiciously.Meatier and more substantive than books like The 48 Laws of Power and a font of well-considered guidance. Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
Choice Review
Readers expecting Call Sign Chaos to be a tell-all providing juicy insights into Mattis's service as Secretary of Defense for Trump will be sorely disappointed. Mattis mentions his time in the Pentagon only in passing, and he barely mentions Trump. Mattis, who served for decades in the Marines, ending his active career as a four-star general, had another goal in mind. He wanted to impart to his readers a sense of what it means, and what it takes, to be a leader in a combat situation. Call Sign Chaos looks at Mattis's military career from his beginnings leading troops in the 1990--91 Gulf War to the subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Off the battlefield, Mattis led NATO's military arm and was head of the Central Command overseeing the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. A staunch believer in the value of allies in the present complicated world, Mattis has plenty of advice for young men and women facing their first command--whether it be a small unit or an entire army. Full of commonsense advice and real-life examples, this book provides plenty of solid guidance for anyone interested in learning what it takes to lead in challenging environments. Summing Up: Recommended. Upper-division undergraduates; general readers. --Edward A. Goedeken, Iowa State University
Excerpts
Excerpts
Prologue In late November 2016, I was enjoying Thanksgiving break in my hometown on the Columbia River in Washington State when I received an unexpected call from Vice President-elect Pence. Would I meet with President-elect Trump to discuss the job of Secretary of Defense of the United States? I had taken no part in the election campaign and had never met or spoken to Mr. Trump, so to say that I was surprised is an understatement. Further, I knew that, absent a congressional waiver, federal law prohibited a former military officer from serving as Secretary of Defense within seven years of departing military service. Given that no waiver had been authorized since General George Marshall was made secretary in 1950, and I'd been out for only three and a half years, I doubted I was a viable candidate. Nonetheless, I flew to Bedminster, New Jersey, for the interview. I had time on the cross-country flight to ponder how to encapsulate my view of America's role in the world. On my flight out of Denver, the flight attendant's standard safety briefing caught my attention: If cabin pressure is lost, masks will drop. . . . Put your own mask on first, then help others around you. . . . We've all heard it many times, but in that moment, these familiar words seemed like a metaphor: to preserve our leadership role, we needed to get our own country's act together first, especially if we were to help others. The next day I was driven to the Trump National Golf Club and, entering a side door, waited about twenty minutes before I was ushered into a modest conference room. I was introduced to the President-elect, the Vice President-elect, the chief of staff, and a handful of others. We talked about the state of our military, where our views aligned and where they differed. In our forty-minute conversation, Mr. Trump led the wide-ranging discussion, and the tone was amiable. Afterward, the President-elect escorted me out to the front steps of the colonnaded clubhouse, where the press was gathered. I assumed that I would be on my way back to Stanford University's Hoover Institution, where I'd spent the past few years doing research and guest lecturing around the country, and was greatly enjoying my time. I figured that my strong support of NATO and my dismissal of the use of torture on prisoners would have the President-elect looking for another candidate. Standing beside him on the steps as photographers snapped away and shouted questions, I was surprised for the second time that week when he characterized me to the reporters as "the real deal." Days later, I was formally nominated. That was when I realized that, subject to a congressional waiver and Senate consent, I would not be returning to Stanford's beautiful, vibrant campus. During the interview, Mr. Trump had asked me if I could do the job of Secretary of Defense. I said I could. I'd never aspired to the job, and took the opportunity to suggest several other candidates I thought highly capable of leading our defense. Still, having been raised by the Greatest Generation, by two parents who had served in World War II, and subsequently shaped by more than four decades in the Marine Corps, I considered government service to be both honor and duty. In my view, when the President asks you to do something, you don't play Hamlet on the wall, wringing your hands. To quote a great American athletic company's slogan, you "just do it." So long as you are prepared, you say yes. When it comes to the defense of our experiment in democracy and our way of life, ideology should have nothing to do with it. Whether asked to serve by a Democrat or a Republican, you serve. "Politics ends at the water's edge." This ethos has shaped and defined me, and I wasn't going to betray it no matter how much I was enjoying my life west of the Rockies and spending time with a family I had neglected during my forty-plus years in the Marines. When I said I could do the job, I meant I felt prepared. By happenstance, I knew the job intimately. In the late 1990s, I had served as the executive secretary to two Secretaries of Defense, William Perry and William Cohen. I had also served as the senior military assistant to Deputy Secretary of Defense Rudy de Leon. In close quarters, I had gained a personal grasp of the immensity and gravity of a "SecDef's" responsibilities. The job is tough: our first Secretary of Defense committed suicide, and few have emerged from the job unscathed, either legally or politically. We were at war, amid the longest continuous stretch of armed conflict in our nation's history. I'd signed enough letters to next of kin about the death of a loved one to understand the consequential aspects of leading a department on a war footing when the rest of the country was not. Its millions of devoted troops and civilians spread around the world carried out their mission with a budget larger than the gross domestic products of all but two dozen nations. On a personal level, I had no great desire to return to Washington, D.C. I drew no energy from the turmoil and politics that animate our capital. Yet I didn't feel inundated by the job's immensities. I also felt confident that I could gain bipartisan support for Defense despite the political fratricide practiced in Washington. In late December, I flew into Washington, D.C., to begin the Senate confirmation process. This book is about how my career in the Marines brought me to this moment and prepared me to say yes to a job of this magnitude. The Marines teach you, above all, how to adapt, improvise, and overcome. But they expect you to have done your homework, to have mastered your profession. Amateur performance is anathema, and the Marines are bluntly critical of falling short, satisfied only with 100 percent effort and commitment. Yet over the course of my career, every time I made a mistake--and I made many--the Marines promoted me. They recognized that those mistakes were part of my tuition and a necessary bridge to learning how to do things right. Year in and year out, the Marines had trained me in skills they knew I needed, while educating me to deal with the unexpected. Beneath its Prussian exterior of short haircuts, crisp uniforms, and exacting standards, the Corps nurtured some of the strangest mavericks and most original thinkers I would encounter in my journey through multiple commands, dozens of countries, and many college campuses. The Marines' military excellence does not suffocate intellectual freedom or substitute regimented thinking for imaginative solutions. They know their doctrine, often derived from lessons learned in combat and written in blood, but refuse to let that turn into dogma. Woe to the unimaginative one who, in after-action reviews, takes refuge in doctrine. The critiques in the field, in the classroom, or at happy hour are blunt for good reason. Personal sensitivities are irrelevant. No effort is made to ease you through your midlife crisis when peers, seniors, or subordinates offer more cunning or historically proven options, even when out of step with doctrine. In any organization, it's all about selecting the right team. The two qualities I was taught to value most in selecting others for promotion or critical roles were initiative and aggressiveness. I looked for those hallmarks in those I served alongside. Institutions get the behaviors they reward. Marines have no institutional confusion about their mission: they are a ready naval force designed to fight well in any clime or place, then return to their own society as better citizens. That ethos has created a force feared by foes and embraced by allies the world over, because the Marines reward initiative aggressively implemented. During my monthlong preparation for the Senate confirmation hearings, I read many excellent intelligence briefings. I was struck by the degree to which our competitive military edge was eroding, including our technological advantage. We would have to focus on regaining the edge. I had been fighting terrorism in the Middle East during my last decade of military service. During that time and in the three years since I had left active duty, haphazard funding had significantly worsened the situation, doing more damage to our current and future military readiness than any enemy in the field. I could see that the background drummed into me as a Marine would need to be adapted to fit my role as a civilian secretary. The formulation of policy--from defining the main threats to our country to adapting the military's education, budget, and selection of leaders to address the swiftly changing character of war--would place new demands on me. It now became even more clear to me why the Marines assign an expanded reading list to everyone promoted to a new rank: that reading gives historical depth that lights the path ahead. Slowly but surely, we learned there was nothing new under the sun: properly informed, we weren't victims--we could always create options. Excerpted from Call Sign Chaos: Learning to Lead by Jim Mattis, Bing West All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.
