Biography & Autobiography |
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Summary
Summary
Sugar Ray Robinson was one of the most iconic figures in sports and possibly the greatest boxer of all time. His legendary career spanned nearly 26 years, including his titles as the middleweight and welterweight champion of the world and close to 200 professional bouts. This illuminating biography grounds the spectacular story of Robinson's rise to greatness within the context of the fighter's life and times. Born Walker Smith Jr. in 1921, Robinson's early childhood was marked by the seething racial tensions and explosive race riots that infected the Midwest throughout the 1920s and 1930s. After his mother moved their family to Harlem, he came of age in the post-Renaissance years. Recounting his local and national fame, this deeply researched and honest account depicts Robinson as an eccentric and glamorous--yet powerful and controversial--celebrity, athlete, and cultural symbol. From Robinson's gruesome six-bout war with Jake "Raging Bull" LaMotta and his lethal meeting with Jimmy Doyle to his Harlem nightclub years and thwarted showbiz dreams, Haygood brings the champion's story to life.
Reviews (4)
Kirkus Review
The captivating life of the African-American champion who brought grace and style to the boxing ring in the 1940s and '50s. Born Walker Smith Jr. in rural Georgia, Sugar Ray Robinson (192189) grew up poor in Detroit and Harlem, where he fought his first amateur fights out of a church boxing club and won the New York Daily News' Golden Gloves tournament in 1939. With his lightning speed and matador moves, the handsome welterweight created a sensation, earning the monikers "Death Ray" and "Sugar Ray," which stuck. In this insightful, highly readable biography, Washington Post staff writer Haygood (In Black and White: The Life of Sammy Davis, Jr., 2003, etc.) chronicles the intriguing life of this gifted boxer and dandy, who toured Jim Crow America in World War II with fellow serviceman, and heavyweight champ, Joe Louis; had a long-running feud with fighter Jake LaMotta; and pursued the savage sport that held "a kind of sacredness" for him until 1965, when he retired with 173 wins, 19 losses and six draws. No one ever knocked him out, notes Haygood. All the while, the jazz-loving Robinson ran a popular Harlem nightspot, zipped around Manhattan in a flamingo-colored Cadillac convertible with his midget chauffer, Chico, and hung with leading African-American artists and entertainers. Haygood weaves in stories of the boxer's ties with Lena Horne, Langston Hughes, Miles Davis and others who emerged in the postwar years in the singular "convergence of men, music, and style" that was celebrated by Arnold Gingrich in Esquire. Surprisingly, there has never been a Sugar Ray biopic, but Haygood's narrative is chockfull of movie-ready scenes: Robinson challenging military-base segregation; knocking out Killer Jimmy Doyle, who died 17 hours later; touring with Count Basie in an ill-advised nightclub act; being received like a movie star in Europe. Always enigmatic, Robinson was an absent father, had a volatile marriage, went mysteriously AWOL in World War II and wound up near-broke. Sportswriter Red Smith called him "a brooding genius, a darkly dedicated soul who walks in a lonely majesty, a prophet without honor, an artist whom nobody, but nobody, understands." A wonderful book that deserves a wide audience. Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
Booklist Review
*Starred Review* Haygood follows his award-winning biography of Sammy Davis Jr. (In Black and White, 2003) with an account of another African American who carved a unique place for himself in pop-cultural history. Boxer Sugar Ray Robinson was not only one of the greatest fighters of all time (179 wins against 19 losses over a career that stretched well into his forties), he was also a trailblazer, the man who brought style and grace to the ring and who became Muhammad Ali's role model. Haygood's account of Robinson's rise from the mean streets of Detroit and New York to international celebrity is cast alongside the parallel stories of three other innovative African American artists whose paths crossed Robinson's: poet Langston Hughes, singer Lena Horne, and jazz trumpeter Miles Davis. Though the story focuses on Robinson's remarkable ring career he was middleweight champion five times and engaged in classic bouts with Jake LaMotta (six times), Rocky Graziano, and Carmen Basilio, among others Haygood shows how each of his featured artists refused to accept the limiting roles that others expected of them. Like Davis, who resisted being pigeonholed into one jazz style and who rejected the minstrel-show approach to music, Robinson took boxing to a new level of class and style. Patterning himself after Davis and the other jazz greats he idolized, he brought rhythm and swing to the boxing ring and sartorial splendor to his life beyond the ropes. As club owner, piano player, dancer, and philanthropist, he carved out a new model for himself: the boxer as Renaissance man. Haygood brings this remarkable twentieth-century story to life in all its myriad shades of meaning.--Ott, Bill Copyright 2009 Booklist
New York Review of Books Review
Sugar Ray Robinson in front of his club and restaurant on 124th Street in Harlem, 1950. BY PETE HAMILL THIS is an ambitious portrait of an American legend. Ray Robinson was not just a prizefighter. He was an extraordinary fighter. Someone once said: "There was Ray Robinson. And then there were the top 10." He was certainly the greatest prizefighter I ever saw. But Wil Haygood has written more than a simple chronicle of a sports career. He wants to place Robinson as a central figure in the rise of urban African-Americans in the 20th century. At the peak of his success, in the 1940s and '50s, Robinson epitomized the tough grace and style and confidence of an entire generation. He would display those qualities all over the United States and Europe. Haygood chooses to tell this tale, in part, as a kind of prose ballad. In lyrical language, he traces the life of Robinson from his birth in Detroit in 1921 as Walker Smith Jr. to his truest home, in Harlem, on the great glittering island of Manhattan, to California, where he died in 1989. The elements of his early exodus are familiar: the father who goes off alone and is changed by his life in the Black Bottom section of Detroit; the mother who follows her man and soon finds herself humiliated by his antics, a situation worsened by the onslaught of the Great Depression. In 1932, when her son is 11, she gathers him and her two daughters and travels by bus to New York. They stay in a dump in Midtown, and the boy earns small change dancing for strangers in Times Square. Then they find a place in Harlem. "But there existed two Harlems," Haygood writes. "In one Harlem there were poetry readings and social teas; there were gatherings that featured notable speakers who talked about national affairs and the doings they were privy to in the Roosevelt White House." The Smiths lived in the other Harlem, "a rough place, a lower-class enclave of broken families, of flophouses and boardinghouses. Of racketeers and gangsters, of big crime and petty crime. Of handouts and hand-me-down clothing, of little boys often scampering about like lambs being hunted." One of those boys was surely Walker Smith Jr., and his mother wanted to save him from the fate of so many others. She found refuge for him in the basement of the Salem Methodist Episcopal Church, where a man named George Gainford was helping to start a boxing club. Back in Detroit, the boy had glimpsed young Joe Louis (they would become friends much later). But he didn't then imagine himself as a prizefighter. In Harlem, he often fought in the streets. In the gym of the Salem Crescent Athletic Club, Gainford began to shape him as a fighter and a man. The boy was getting taller, learning the moves, showing very fast hands and, especially, the sense of a contest - the need for strategy, the anticipation of what the other guy might do. He constantly asked Gainford questions about his craft, and Gainford did his best to answer. He couldn't teach everything, particularly the quality that fighters call "heart": the ability to endure pain in order to inflict it. In the gym, Gainford saw that his student had that quality. In Kingston, N.Y., one night in 1936, the boy filled in for another fighter and won his first competitive bout. He had to use another fighter's Amateur Athletic Union card, because Gainford had still not acquired one for Walker Smith Jr. The other fighter was named Ray Robinson. The name would last a lifetime. The tale that follows is a long story of success, and much early frustration. Robinson wins Golden Gloves titles in 1939 and 1940, then turns pro and is undefeated for 40 fights as a welterweight (147 pounds) before losing a decision to tough Jake LaMotta in 1943 (he was outweighed by 16 pounds and would beat LaMotta in a rematch three weeks later). He stays free of the mob and is frequently called "the uncrowned champion" but never gets a shot at the welterweight title until after the war. Haygood, a staff writer at The Washington Post and the author of a biography of Sammy Davis Jr., is not simply repeating this familiar boxing story. He chooses to weave through his account three subnarratives about Robinson's era: the lives of Lena Horne, Langston Hughes and Miles Davis. Like Robinson, each symbolizes racial pride, individual accomplishment and high urban style. Sometimes the device gets in the way of the main narrative and feels forced. Hughes talks to Robinson not far from Sugar Ray's, the popular bar that Robinson established after the war, but we don't really know the subject of the conversation. Miles definitely became a friend in the '50s, training at Harry Wiley's Gym (established by an assistant to Gainford), but as a horn player whose lips were precious, he never boxed. After the war, he also developed a heroin habit, which must have caused pity and compassion in Robinson. THERE are some curious omissions, too. Haygood doesn't mention the historic cultural role of Minton's Playhouse, on 118th Street, where young musicians (including Miles Davis) gathered for jam sessions and invented the freer, more original and absolutely urban music called bebop. He doesn't even mention bebop. More important, he doesn't mention the Harlem riot of August 1943. This took place while Corporal Robinson was touring with Louis, the heavyweight champion, entertaining troops. An African-American woman was arrested by a cop who said she was disturbing the peace. A black soldier tried to intervene, a physical struggle began, and the cop shot the soldier in the arm. The soldier was taken away in an ambulance, and street rumor said he was dead; he wasn't. The riot erupted anyway. This followed by two months the Detroit race riot, which had killed 34 people, 25 of them black. The Harlem riot, a two-day affair, was not strictly a race riot, pitting whites against blacks. It was a riot against property, directed at hundreds of white-owned businesses, with damage of about $5 million. Still, six people died and hundreds were wounded. It's hard to believe that Louis (from Detroit) and Robinson (from Harlem) didn't discuss these horrific events, and call home. When Robinson disappeared from Fort Hamilton in Brooklyn for six days in early 1944, on the eve of sailing for war-torn Europe, claiming he must have fallen and suffered amnesia, was he really questioning whether he should risk death for his race-sick country? We don't know. He missed the sailing but was given an honorable discharge. He wouldn't discuss the subject in any detail for the rest of his life, not even with Dave Anderson of The New York Times, who helped him write his 1970 autobiography, "Sugar Ray" (on which Haygood draws heavily). Still, Haygood has given us a lot to ponder in this multilayered biography, about a complex man who epitomized so much of his era. For those who don't know the story, it will have plenty to teach, about style, grace, intelligence and heart. Pete Hamill, the author of more than 20 books, covered Ray Robinson's last fight. He is a distinguished writer in residence at the Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute at New York University.
Choice Review
Perhaps no boxer ever had a nickname that was more apt. Sugar Ray Robinson--the name lingers on the tongue like syrup. In the ring Robinson moved like a dancer, truly turning a boxing match into an exhibition of the "sweet science," a performance as graceful and moving as a classical ballet. He won the welterweight and middleweight crowns and came within a hair of capturing the light-heavyweight title. In a professional career that lasted 25 years, he earned consideration as the greatest pound-for-pound fighter of all time. Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Wil Haygood beautifully recounts the high and low points of Robinson's life (1921-89), from his youth in Detroit and Harlem to his boxing wars with the likes of Jake LaMotta and Gene Fullmer to his short careers on the dance floor and movie screen. But Haygood's greatest contribution is situating Robinson into the context of "sepia America." His comparisons of Robinson to Lena Horne, Langston Hughes, and Miles Davis--three individuals who were profoundly shaped by Sugar Ray Robinson--suggest a leitmotif for black America in the 1940s and 1950s. Style, jazz, and liberation were the ingredients that made Sugar Ray so sweet. Summing Up: Essential. Lower- and upper-division undergraduates, professionals, general readers. R. W. Roberts Purdue University
Excerpts
Excerpts
WHILE LEADING TROOPS into battle in 1775--and with time to assess his setbacks while shifting and plotting new strategies during the American Revolution-- George Washington came to a conclusion about sartorial affairs and his colonial militias: His soldiers were badly dressed. In the field, their clothing consisted of common apparel: shirts and pants and shoes they managed to grab from cabin or tent. Spotting them from yards away, one was hard pressed to distinguish a private from an officer. The slipshod dress-- soldiers had no uniforms at the Battle of Bunker Hill-- often created confusion in the ranks. Soon enough Gen. Washington insisted on uniforms for all his men. The standards of military dress would be elevated even more in succeeding American engagements. It was World War II that marked the first time military dress was lent the sheen of celebrity. From Broadway to Hollywood, men and women from the entertainment ranks would be featured in newsreels and on magazine covers wearing their military attire. Life and Photoplay magazines were particularly adept at placing uniformed stars on their covers and throughout their pages. Jimmy Stewart and Clark Gable looked as genuine in uniform on a military base as they had on celluloid. Nothing created more of a high- wire act for American officialdom, however, than the combination of blacks and war. It was a segregated country, and Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson remained opposed to integration of the armed forces. But Washington officials were aware of the sporadic outbursts of Negro activism around the country in recent years, protesting the failure of antilynching and antidiscrimination legislation. Some notable figures from the black community-- Paul Robeson, W. E. B. DuBois-- had uttered rather romantic sentiments about the Communist Party, a circumstance that made Washington twitchy, the more so after the blood began to spill upon the sand following the bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. Might blacks sour on patriotism? Might America be unable to showcase a unified front across racial lines? Labor leader John L. Lewis, in a nationwide radio address delivered before the attack on Pearl Harbor, minced no words about what he saw as the state of war and jobs and equal rights. "Labor in America wants no war nor any part of war. Labor in America wants the right to work and live-- not the privilege of dying by gunshot or poison gas to sustain the mental errors of current statesmen." Could a populace-- black men and women-- be gathered up and set down on military bases and all the while be expected to heed the same imprisoning rules that applied in outside society? There were no Negro Hollywood stars for the War Department to woo. No figure from the Negro community in Tinseltown whose weekly movements were followed and marveled at by the larger public, giving them the aura of celebrity and creating a public relations boon. Having no one from Hollywood to turn to, the War Department reached into the Negro world of sports. And that meant Joe Louis and Sugar Ray Robinson. Robinson was clearly rising in boxing circles, and quite rapidly. In 1941, in an Associated Press sports editors' poll ranking athletes, Robinson received 29 points to Joe Louis's 14. That positioned Robinson in sixth place to Louis's tenth. Frank Sinkwich, the University of Georgia's galloping halfback, was named the nation's number-one male athlete that year; Boston Red Sox slugger Ted Williams was right behind Sinkwich. (Before he had officially entered the military, Robinson participated in a celebrity boxing event at Camp Upton, on Long Island, with the main draw being an exhibition bout between Joe Louis and his sparring mate George Nicholson. It was a mixture of boxing and entertainment watched by a crowd of seven thousand, and both Sugar Ray Robinson and Bill "Bojangles" Robinson were there and whispered about.) On the streets of Harlem, Sugar Ray Robinson was beginning to carry a special cachet. The reporters had begun referring to him as "the Harlem Dandy." Whereas Joe Louis struck many as severe, Robinson was as light and chipper as a dancer. In addition, Robinson lived in Harlem; Louis was a visitor to that cultural stomping ground, waltzing about after his big bouts and on social occasions. The height of Joe's power had been in the mid- and late thirties. "If you'd see both of them on the street," recalls the influential congressman Charlie Rangel, who was raised in Harlem and would see Louis and Robinson side by side and gawk at them as a kid, "you'd want to run over to Sugar Ray. If both of them were walking into a bar, you'd get a wave from Joe. But Sugar Ray would stop and be rapping. Joe was very self- conscious. If there was an opposite of that, it was Sugar Ray." But poll standings aside, Sugar Ray wasn't about to overtake Joe Louis's popularity in the early months of wartime as the government waged a battle for the hearts and minds of black folk. Joe was legend; Joe was lore; Joe was going to have a poem ("Joe Louis Named the War") written about him and the war. Joe Louis had given black America an emancipation right into the sports world when he became heavyweight champion in June 1937 by knocking out Jim Braddock at Comiskey Park in Chicago. Braddock, a Depression- era hero-- the Cinderella Man-- had overcome poverty to stage a ring comeback in the early 1930s; his defeat of champion Max Baer on June 13, 1935, was considered a seismic upset. The victory set up his bout with Louis. Louis was a native of rural Alabama, and on the day of the Braddock match, some of his relatives living in the Bukalew Mountains near Lafayette, Alabama, got themselves into town so they could press ears to the radio. Louis had trained in near-isolation in Wisconsin for the Braddock title match. There was so very much at stake, and there were also worries from many quarters about the measure of Louis's gifts: He had been knocked out in June 1936 by the German Max Schmeling at Yankee Stadium. As that bout deepened, and Schmeling-- who looked on his way to defeat-- began staging something of a comeback, whites, soaked with emotion now, began to root for the German, a noise that caused those in Louis's corner to wonder about national loyalty. (An ocean away, Adolf Hitler, chancellor of the Third Reich, was goose- stepping his Nazi armies around Europe, killing and plotting war.) It was in the eighth round of that 1937 Chicago bout when, with the world listening, Louis's fierce right caught Braddock. "I laid it solid," Louis would recall, "with all my body, on the right side of his face, and his face split open. He fell in a face-down dive." Louis had become the first black champion since Jack Johnson. Johnson was so mercurial, there were even those in the Louis camp who considered the retired champ unpredictable and belligerent. Johnson was still displaying a lavish appetite for white women, agitating many blacks as he complained that black women had taken advantage of his financial largesse. Joe Louis left no doubt about his cultural pride. Upon his victory over Braddock there were celebrations in mud-strewn Negro hamlets, in gin joints, in houses of ill repute in Detroit, in dressing rooms of Negro League ballplayers barnstorming through the South, in hair salons, on rooftops where garden parties were held in Harlem, beneath the hanging lights of the fine homes that Negroes had purchased in the Georgetown section of the nation's capital. Joe had made sure that-- as William Nunn, the sports editor of The Pittsburgh Courier put it--"all the fondest dreams of the 12,000,000 racial brethren of the new champion have come true. He has been a credit to them and now he rides the 'Glory Road.' He has taken them up with him. He is theirs." The aura of Joe Louis spread like honey. A Harlem columnist felt obliged to remind his readers: "For the benefit of some Harlem lovelies, Joe Louis is due in Harlem next week." When Louis felled Schmeling in June 1938 in their ballyhooed rematch-- against the smoke of war in Europe and the attendant rise of Naziism-- he had produced the final line needed in a narrative arc that could be felt from Sugar Ray's Harlem to the offices of the War Department: The nation needed to be unified on the home front. In 1942 Louis's musings about patriotism had an undeniable psychological weight for the American Negro. The military printed up Army posters showing Louis in uniform-- helmet, khakis, canteen on belt loop, his face grim and a bayonet in hands-- with some words he had uttered at a rally enlarged beneath the photo: "We're going to do our part . . . and we'll win because we're on God's side." Suddenly, he was the Negro basso profundo that sounded through the political worries of the nation. Sugar Ray Robinson-- inducted into the Army in February 1943, thirteen months after Louis--was the keening alto sax in the corner. He looked strikingly handsome in his pressed Ike jacket, his creased slacks, and his corporal's stripes. (Official military records would list him as Corp. Walker Smith, his birth name.) It would, however, be the last time that Robinson would seem to shrink in the presence and aura of a fellow prizefighter. He had yet to gain his first belt title; his welterweight size made him look thin as a fashion model. Even though he had had some tough battles in the ring already, he still retained a boyish look. But he was certainly positioning himself as the one figure-- with his athletic prowess and rhythmic style-- who was ready to burst right through the curtains of racial witchery that both Jack Johnson and Joe Louis had had to part. It seemed that entertainers and movie stars were everywhere in the military seasons of 1943 and 1944. If they were not in uniform, they were performing on military bases. Actresses such as Hedy Lamarr, Bette Davis, Gene Tierney, and Carole Lombard were involved in the effort, their beauty and verve helping to sell war bonds and bring smiles to the troops. Jimmy Stewart-- who had been a huge hit in Frank Capra's Mr. Smith Goes to Washington in 1939--joined up and became a bomber pilot. The matinee idol Tyrone Power would end up in the South Pacific. Fellow actor Ronald Reagan reported to Fort March in San Francisco. (Hollywood hummed into action with its patriotic- themed films. This Is the Army starred Kate Smith, Irving Berlin, and, among others, Lt. Ronald Reagan and Sgt. Joe Louis. The film was full of skits and songs; Joe's role was a speech-making cameo. He appeared in a swaying all-black musical number, in which some lovely black dancers cavort about, pointing out the cut of military uniforms and crooning-- about the uniforms specifically--" That's What the Well-Dressed Man in Harlem Will Wear." The film was directed by Michael Curtiz.) Not long after, Carole Lombard's plane, a TWA DC- 3, went down in the Nevada mountains, killing her and the crew-- she had been out selling war bonds, blowing kisses-- her husband, a heartsick Clark Gable, joined the military. Gable and Lombard had nicknames for each other: Ma and Pa. "Why Ma?" Gable asked, over and over, until it began to sound like an echo. The American GIs needed laughter, so the comics packed their bags too. Jack Benny cracked wise, though he thought it smart to leave his black sidekick, Eddie "Rochester" Anderson, behind, given the racial setup of military life. The champion of the comics, however, was a jovial- looking jokester who had been born in England but raised in Cleveland. Bob Hope-- who had boxed as a teenager before abruptly leaving that sport behind-- took to war shows like a starlet to Sunset Boulevard. Hope had made a name for himself in vaudeville. Then came Broadway and comedy shorts. Hollywood summoned him and he garnered attention in The Cat and the Canary in 1939. But his early "road" pictures with crooner Bing Crosby-- Road to Singapore in 1940 and Road to Morocco in 1942--set new standards for that kind of hilarity. The war shows seemed to have been dreamed up for a man such as Hope: Some days he did four performances, yuk- yuking it with the troops, tossing out silly lines about his cowardice, about his Hollywood friends. At a performance in Tunisia, a wiseacre in uniform popped off at Hope. "Draft dodger! Why aren't you in uniform," came the voice, stunning Hope. "Don't you know there's a war on?" Hope answered, his vaudeville timing smooth as ever. "A guy could get hurt!" Sugar Ray Robinson and Joe Louis--paired up in the military--were not on the road to Morocco. They were, however, soon on the road to Alabama. From the Hardcover edition. Excerpted from Sweet Thunder: The Life and Times of Sugar Ray Robinson by Wil Haygood All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.